Why do few people change their political views “even in the
face of literally earthshaking world events” like 9/11? Roger Simon’s answer to that question is “moral
narcissism.” His book explains the nature
and consequences of this malady that was largely spawned by members of the
“Least Great Generation,” folks, including the author (1943), born during or
shortly before World War Two -- radical-wannabes that include John Lennon
(1940), Tom Hayden (1939), Abbie Hoffman (1936), and Gloria Steinem (1934).
An illustration of moral narcissism not employed by Simon is
the Seinfeld character, Elaine -- a
woman whose sense of moral worth is derived from opinions that coincide with fashionable
progressivism (Greenpeace activism, contempt for pro-lifers, contempt for her
boyfriend’s “Jesus fish,” contempt for Christian music radio presets, contempt
for women wearing fur coats). Despite a
largely self-centered, shallow, and promiscuous life, Elaine is convinced she’s
a “good humanitarian” and proves it by self-consciously complimenting her
waitress on “doing a great job.”
The examples provided by Simon, unfortunately, aren’t
fictional and have had disastrous, perhaps fatal, consequences for the nation
-- fashionable anti-capitalist Marxism (espoused by thousands of
well-compensated professors as well as Pope Francis); a nostalgia for racism that
stokes racial hatred by inventing micro-aggressions that supposedly explain and
thus excuse black criminality; climate-change ideologues who declare the issue
settled (a ridiculously anti-scientific assertion) and who label anyone who
dissents from the media-enforced consensus (even MIT’s premier climatologist,
Richard Lindzen) a “denier.”
Radical environmentalism is another arena where moral
narcissism flourishes, a movement whose DDT ban, spawned in 1962 by Rachel
Carson’s Silent Spring, led to
hundreds of thousands of malaria deaths in Africa . Then there is the non-judgmental,
all-religions-are-equal view of Islam that blames Western imperialism for causing
terrorism -- a pat-oneself-on-the-back brand of “tolerance” that ignores or
chooses to remain ignorant of Islam’s bloody, expansionist history prior to the
era of Western imperialism.
The primary goal of moral narcissism is not “to do” good,
but rather “to feel” good about oneself for having “the right opinion”-- i.e.
opinions promulgated by those who deem themselves superior by virtue of their “enlightened”
views. These moral mandarins consist
primarily of left-wing politicians, leftist academicians, the mainstream media,
and almost all the entertainment industry. Like Seinfeld’s
Elaine, it isn’t how one lives one’s life that counts; it’s the political and
moral slogans one mouths. Indeed, the
moral stature gained from being politically au
currant serves as absolution for what used to count as personal moral
failings -- an arena where non-judgmentalism is demanded by political
correctness, at least with respect to ideological soulmates.
Sympathy for Fidel Castro boosts one’s moral standing since Castro
supposedly believes in a utopian socialist state where folks contribute
according to their abilities and receive according to their needs. Never mind that the dictator lives “a
lifestyle, including yachts and private islands, that would be the envy of
George Soros, while his citizens suffer in penury under constant surveillance,
the specter of imprisonment looming.”
Identifying with various victim groups and spouting politically correct
mantras likewise “allows Hillary Clinton to go from undergraduate Alinskyite to
Chappaqua plutocrat with a net worth in the tens of millions without missing a
beat.” The destructive consequences of
leftist policies for minorities aren’t what matter. What matters is that Hillary and the current narcissist-in-chief
feel morally superior to Rubes in flyover country.
Just when you think Simon is becoming tiresome (as he does
when repeating polling statistics about gay marriage) he provides a critical
insight in chapter 24 that should have been placed near the book’s beginning:
“Moral narcissism . . . is a way of explaining away evil, blaming all ills on social
causes and therefore pushing back the necessity of examining the human soul or
one’s own, of not seeing the possible darkness within . . . moral narcissism
obscures reality and therefore threatens democracy. That not everything is
perfectible, that there is evil in the world, and that evil is likely to remain
forever.” In short, self-scrutiny is replaced with verbal orthodoxies
promulgated by an American nomenklatura eager to secure moral status, financial
perquisites, and a stream of personal indulgences by endlessly repeating
politically correct slogans that are overwhelmingly destructive when applied to
the real world -- slogans that promise financial and personal retribution for
“bigoted” dissenters.
One major mistake in Simon’s analysis is his wrongheaded O’Reillyish
attempt to appear “fair and balanced” by briefly pointing to moral narcissism
on the right -- as if opposition to gay marriage or to abortion on demand were
in the same league as vacuous shibboleths like refusing to acknowledge radical
Islamic terrorism. Far from being
rewarded for the former views, believers are ostracized and punished by the
dominant P.C. culture. Moreover, no
serious Christian or Jew would use these moral views to evade
self-scrutiny. Simon’s brief foray into
narcissistic equivalence has the effect of putting serious, self-sacrificial
morality in the same category as a self-deluding political ruse that rejects
any morality existing outside the self -- as if principled abolitionists would
be biased “moral narcissists” not much different from slaveholders who mouthed
the slogan “popular sovereignty.”
This same confusion infects Simon’s final chapter, which
presents his self-proclaimed “bias” as a neocon-libertarian, someone who favors
intervention abroad and libertarian lassitude at home. The latter part of that
equation does, indeed, represent a degree of “moral narcissism” on the author’s
part, allowing him a small measure of expiation from colleagues in the fields
of literature and entertainment for the grievous sin of rejecting, for the most
part, the self-inflating worldview they embrace with a frantic death grip.
Despite these lapses, Simon’s book is well worth the time
taken to understand the head-snapping moral contradictions that permeate the
worlds of George Soros (chapter 21!), Hillary Clinton, and Barack Obama.
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